New Book ferrets
out the Bible of Hindu Fascism
Reviewed
by IK Shukla
The
Milli Gazette
Why
has this Bible of Hindutva, first published in 1939, succeeded by four
reprints until 1947, been withdrawn from RSS shelves and general libraries
across India and made unavailable to the general public? Why has its
authorship been denied, fudged over, and brazenly lied about in a
concerted manner, among others including the author, by Lalchand K. Advani,
Atal B. Vajpeyi, and David Frawley, who outdid all with three big lies in
just two sentences: 1. Golwalkar just translated it, 2. in 1938, and 3.
"it was only part of the general literature of the times that he was
examining." This book answers these questions and unravels the
mystery surrounding the elusive book.
How
fanatically vicious Golwalkar was in laying down his version of Mein
Kampf informs this major handbook of Hindu fascism wherein he strips
himself for condemnation and revulsion as an evil ogre of Dark Ages. The
long and well-researched “Introduction” by Prof. Islam in itself has
become an invaluable asset for serious researchers, scholarly academics,
and committed activists. He deserves kudos for retrieving Golwalkar's
poison-spewing book, always revered by RSS and its affiliates, and widely
regarded as the Bible of Hindutva fascists, among others, by two CIA
agents close to them - Jean A. Curran (author of Militant Hinduism in
Indian Politics: A Study of the RSS, 1951) and Craig Baxter (author of
The Jana Sangh: A Biography of an Indian Political Party, 1969).
Golwalkar's
We or Our Nationhood Defined: A Critique
By Shamsul Islam
200 pages p/b,
ISBN 81-7221-030-2;
Publishers: Pharos Media & Publ. Pvt. Ltd.
Price: (based on
region)
India: Rs
140 (Postage included) Order
Online
Rest of the World:
US$
12.00 (Registered Airmail charges included)
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An
aside for relieving the tedium is in order. How shallow was Golwalkar
becomes clear from his mention of names of historical importance in the
field of literature: Sharatchandra Chakrawarti, and Babu Premchand (p.
42). I had never known of them. Golwalkar had casually heard these names
and embellished them with his imagination. This imagination is at full
play in his understanding, skewed and sickly, of history, human
civilization, culture, and modern polity. No wonder only such a one could
call Hindutva "anadi" (without a beginning, beyond history, and
pre-historical). His repeated use of the word "scientific" is
comic and contemptible, and his exhilaration at Fatherland a slavish
adoption of the German word Vaterland with all its concomitant
evils fleshing it out. This unabashed and implacable devotee of three evil
Ms - Manu, Mill (James, East India Company's employee, hack historian, who
partitioned Indian History into three periods: Hindu, Muslim, British,
1817, -not Christian!-), and Mussolini, besides Hitler, regarded them all
as great regenerators and benefactors of mankind!
The
riddle is why the Hindutva luminaries and lumpens who have always
venerated this Bible of Hindu fascism are fighting shy of it at present.
Not that they have abjured its ideology of racial hatred and violence
against non-Hindus, of ethnic extremism and bloody purge, of India as the
fatherland of Hindus only, once more adumbrated without any remission in
Golwalkar's later book Bunch of Thoughts. The reason for this
coyness and concealment is a mix of cowardice and criminality that have
distinguished the bloody enterprise of the Hindutva cult since its
inception. It has vindicated its assassination of Gandhi in January 1948
by a recurrent series of mass slaughters since 1992 of Muslims,
Christians, and others it decreed to be non-Hindu.
In
Gandhi's murder the involvement of RSS became too evident, too undeniable
for it to escape unscathed. Hence, a new political creature of Hindu
communalism, Jan Sangh, was fabricated. Hence too the disavowal of
Golwalkar's book We or Our Nationhood Defined, as an expedient.
What, however, the book had already achieved remarkably successfully
through its wide diffusion was to remain inviolate, i. e., its
racist precepts and its politically invidious indoctrination of the
masses.
The
ban on RSS on 4 Feb. 1948 was a temporary glitch, but it was also a safety
valve, curiously, helping RSS more than hindering it. The legal
hibernation thus secured, it went ahead with its perfidies and pogroms,
neither handicapped, nor humbled.
The
title of this seminal book was well chosen, not in a symbolic but in quite
a substantive sense. It defined the Hindutva cult of crime and sedition,
as it defiled the Indian nationhood at the same time. It thus upheld
treason as virtue, pitched terrorism as duty, tyranny as statecraft, and
theocracy as polity. The sinister creed had achieved its squalid ends
well.
It
would be apposite to quote the redoubtable RSS stalwart of yesteryears,
Prof. Balraj Madhok on Vajpayee and Advani, as extremely pertinent to the
criminality that has characterized RSS all along. How did Advani climb the
organizational ladder?:
"The
position of Lal Krishan Advani was like a puppet. He was not capable for
the post (presidentship of Bharatiya Jana Sangh) which was given to him
after discarding many senior workers. I knew through my personal
experience that he is a boneless wonder. He has neither personal integrity
nor opinion. But he is lucky. The office which he had got due to the
offerings (prasad) of Vajpayee and officials of Sangh, keeping
aside its honour, he acted as a bonded labourer, for any work assigned to
him." (Zindagi Ka Safar- 3: Deendayal Upadhyay Ki Hatya Se
Indira Gandhi Ki Hatya Tak, 2003, Delhi, p. 146).
And
on Vajpayee:
"Sometime back when I was the President of Jana Sangh, Jagadish
Prasad Mathur, in charge of the Central Office, who was staying with Atal
Bihari at 30, Rajendra Prasad Road, had complained to me that Atal had
turned that house into a den of immoral activities. There everyday new
girls were coming." (Ibid., p. 25)
Madhok
points out unreservedly to the triad of Vajpayee, Nana Deshmukh and
Balasaheb Deoras, responsible for the murder of Dendayal Upadhyaya in 1968
at Mughalsarai Railway junction, having been patronized by Golwalkar,
popular as “Guru” in the RSS lore. These qualifications and
attributes, essential to Hindutva, have propelled it onward. It earned its
cherished laurels as a den of cutthroats, kleptomaniacs, womanizers,
rapists, arsonists, terrorists and traitors by remaining constant to its
cultist pledge of gothic grime and messianic gore.
For
unraveling its various layers of diabolical and anti-national crimes in
such a painstakingly thorough manner, and highlighting the threat they
pose to the unity and security of the nation, the author has put us all in
his debt.
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