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Posted Online on Monday, 12 February 2007 02:50 IST

Subscribe to the PRINT edition NOW: Get the COMPLETE picture

Muslim Islamic NewsNew Book ferrets out the Bible of Hindu Fascism

Reviewed by IK Shukla

The Milli Gazette

Why has this Bible of Hindutva, first published in 1939, succeeded by four reprints until 1947, been withdrawn from RSS shelves and general libraries across India and made unavailable to the general public? Why has its authorship been denied, fudged over, and brazenly lied about in a concerted manner, among others including the author, by Lalchand K. Advani, Atal B. Vajpeyi, and David Frawley, who outdid all with three big lies in just two sentences: 1. Golwalkar just translated it, 2. in 1938, and 3. "it was only part of the general literature of the times that he was examining." This book answers these questions and unravels the mystery surrounding the elusive book.

How fanatically vicious Golwalkar was in laying down his version of Mein Kampf informs this major handbook of Hindu fascism wherein he strips himself for condemnation and revulsion as an evil ogre of Dark Ages. The long and well-researched “Introduction” by Prof. Islam in itself has become an invaluable asset for serious researchers, scholarly academics, and committed activists. He deserves kudos for retrieving Golwalkar's poison-spewing book, always revered by RSS and its affiliates, and widely regarded as the Bible of Hindutva fascists, among others, by two CIA agents close to them - Jean A. Curran (author of Militant Hinduism in Indian Politics: A Study of the RSS, 1951) and Craig Baxter (author of The Jana Sangh: A Biography of an Indian Political Party, 1969).

Golwalkar's We or Our Nationhood Defined: A Critique Golwalkar's 
We or Our Nationhood Defined:
A Critique 
By Shamsul Islam
200 pages p/b, 
ISBN 81-7221-030-2; 
Publishers: Pharos Media & Publ. Pvt. Ltd.

Price: (based on region)

India:
Rs 140 (Postage included) Order Online

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US$ 12.00 (Registered Airmail charges included)  
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An aside for relieving the tedium is in order. How shallow was Golwalkar becomes clear from his mention of names of historical importance in the field of literature: Sharatchandra Chakrawarti, and Babu Premchand (p. 42). I had never known of them. Golwalkar had casually heard these names and embellished them with his imagination. This imagination is at full play in his understanding, skewed and sickly, of history, human civilization, culture, and modern polity. No wonder only such a one could call Hindutva "anadi" (without a beginning, beyond history, and pre-historical). His repeated use of the word "scientific" is comic and contemptible, and his exhilaration at Fatherland a slavish adoption of the German word Vaterland with all its concomitant evils fleshing it out. This unabashed and implacable devotee of three evil Ms - Manu, Mill (James, East India Company's employee, hack historian, who partitioned Indian History into three periods: Hindu, Muslim, British, 1817, -not Christian!-), and Mussolini, besides Hitler, regarded them all as great regenerators and benefactors of mankind!

The riddle is why the Hindutva luminaries and lumpens who have always venerated this Bible of Hindu fascism are fighting shy of it at present. Not that they have abjured its ideology of racial hatred and violence against non-Hindus, of ethnic extremism and bloody purge, of India as the fatherland of Hindus only, once more adumbrated without any remission in Golwalkar's later book Bunch of Thoughts. The reason for this coyness and concealment is a mix of cowardice and criminality that have distinguished the bloody enterprise of the Hindutva cult since its inception. It has vindicated its assassination of Gandhi in January 1948 by a recurrent series of mass slaughters since 1992 of Muslims, Christians, and others it decreed to be non-Hindu.

In Gandhi's murder the involvement of RSS became too evident, too undeniable for it to escape unscathed. Hence, a new political creature of Hindu communalism, Jan Sangh, was fabricated. Hence too the disavowal of Golwalkar's book We or Our Nationhood Defined, as an expedient. What, however, the book had already achieved remarkably successfully through its wide diffusion was to remain inviolate, i. e., its racist precepts and its politically invidious indoctrination of the masses.

The ban on RSS on 4 Feb. 1948 was a temporary glitch, but it was also a safety valve, curiously, helping RSS more than hindering it. The legal hibernation thus secured, it went ahead with its perfidies and pogroms, neither handicapped, nor humbled.

The title of this seminal book was well chosen, not in a symbolic but in quite a substantive sense. It defined the Hindutva cult of crime and sedition, as it defiled the Indian nationhood at the same time. It thus upheld treason as virtue, pitched terrorism as duty, tyranny as statecraft, and theocracy as polity. The sinister creed had achieved its squalid ends well.

It would be apposite to quote the redoubtable RSS stalwart of yesteryears, Prof. Balraj Madhok on Vajpayee and Advani, as extremely pertinent to the criminality that has characterized RSS all along. How did Advani climb the organizational ladder?:

"The position of Lal Krishan Advani was like a puppet. He was not capable for the post (presidentship of Bharatiya Jana Sangh) which was given to him after discarding many senior workers. I knew through my personal experience that he is a boneless wonder. He has neither personal integrity nor opinion. But he is lucky. The office which he had got due to the offerings (prasad) of Vajpayee and officials of Sangh, keeping aside its honour, he acted as a bonded labourer, for any work assigned to him." (Zindagi Ka Safar- 3: Deendayal Upadhyay Ki Hatya Se Indira Gandhi Ki Hatya Tak, 2003, Delhi, p. 146).

And on Vajpayee:
"Sometime back when I was the President of Jana Sangh, Jagadish Prasad Mathur, in charge of the Central Office, who was staying with Atal Bihari at 30, Rajendra Prasad Road, had complained to me that Atal had turned that house into a den of immoral activities. There everyday new girls were coming." (Ibid., p. 25)

Madhok points out unreservedly to the triad of Vajpayee, Nana Deshmukh and Balasaheb Deoras, responsible for the murder of Dendayal Upadhyaya in 1968 at Mughalsarai Railway junction, having been patronized by Golwalkar, popular as “Guru” in the RSS lore. These qualifications and attributes, essential to Hindutva, have propelled it onward. It earned its cherished laurels as a den of cutthroats, kleptomaniacs, womanizers, rapists, arsonists, terrorists and traitors by remaining constant to its cultist pledge of gothic grime and messianic gore.

For unraveling its various layers of diabolical and anti-national crimes in such a painstakingly thorough manner, and highlighting the threat they pose to the unity and security of the nation, the author has put us all in his debt.

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