Maharashtra Assembly Election, 2009

A Note on Maharashtra & Guidelines for Muslim Voters
Maharashtra ranks 4th among the states of the Union from the point of view of Muslim population.  It comes immediately after UP, West Bengal and Bihar. With a population of 10.3 million Muslims, it has 7.43% of the National Muslim population and about 10.6% of the total State Population of 96.9 million (2001).
2.  Muslims are not spread uniformly throughout Maharashtra. In 14 districts.
their Proportion is more than the state average, but in remaining districts their proportion goes down to even less than 5%.
3.   Maharashtra Legislative Assembly has 288 members. The average population per constituency is 3.35 lakhs. The due number of  Muslim MLA's in the state should be about 31. Muslim population exceeds 3.35 lakhs in 10 districts and can alone generate 16 seats proportionately. But the average number between 1952 & 1999 was only about  9.5.In 2004 the number of Muslim MLA's rose  to 11. However, additional 8 Muslims from various parties were runners-up, and 23 more Muslim contestants were placed as second runner-up, excluding the Muslim winners  or first runners-up. Thus, a total of 11+8+23 i.e.,  42 constituencies had voted significantly for Muslim candidates which shows that in ideal conditions, the Muslim community can reach the due level of representation.
4.   Maharashtra is divided in 7 administrative Divisions. Each  is subdivided in  districts whose total number is 35. It is possible that within a division, some districts may have high Muslim population to generate at least  one or more seats. But the other districts in the same Division put together may exceed the magic figure of 3.35 lakhs of Muslim population & generate a seat. A  Secular party may field one additional Muslim candidate in a suitable constituency in one of the others districts.
5.  The same is true of constituencies within a district. With a large Muslim population, some constituencies may be Muslim winnable with about 25% plus Muslim population. Other constituencies which are contiguous may generate one additional Muslim winnable seat, if their total Muslim population exceeds 3, 35,000.

6.  Maharashtra has a tradition of anti-Brahmin movements dating back to two centuries. In modern times it crystallised in the form of Republican Party which claims to represent the Dalit masses. Unfortunately, this party has over the years broken into several fragments and depending upon the caste of its leaders, each faction nurses a particular social constituency & uses it to make a deal with a major party.
7. Socially in Maharashtra the Marathas constitute the biggest social group or community whose undisputed leader is Sharad Pawar of the NCP.Brahmins and other high castes generally  support the BJP and Shiv Shena, apart from urban middle classes.
8.  The Muslims are often fragmented on baradari & sectarian basis and even by geographical origin. Since Metropolitan Mumbai has attracted people from all over the county in search of livelihood and, new-comers generally find  shelter in the localities inhabitated by those who came earlier or belong to the same caste or sect. Muslim Parties, during the Lok Sabha Election 2009, tried to form a united Muslim front but it failed to take roots
9. With their pattern of dispersal, Muslims cannot win many Assembly seats under the present electoral system in their own, as there are no Muslim majority seats & very few with above 25 %Muslims. But they may win seats with a suitable social partner on give-and-take basis. The best choice could be the Dalits, if and only if Republican Party reinvents itself as a viable force. It has recently made a beginning by forming a Republican-Left Democratic Front(RLDI), under the leadership of the Republican leader Ramdas Athawale with the objective of providing a third alternative to the people of Maharashtra  going beyond the INC-NCP alliance and the BJP-Shiv Sena alliance. The Front presently includes, apart from the RPI, the Peasant and Workers Party, the CPM, CPI, SP, JD(S) and LJP, not to mention some minor local parties. Prakash Ambedkar a prominent dalit leader has not joined the Front. One major national party, the BSP, with  about 5 % of the voters  remains out of this combination and has  the ambition of contesting as many seats as possible, winning at least 25 seats and playing the king-maker, if no alliance or party emerges with a majority. Both the RLDF & the BSP are likely to cut into secular votes & weaken INC - NCP  against SS-BJP.
10.  So far, the Muslim votes have been shared by the INC-NCP, SP and BSP. By contesting against each other, they divide Muslim votes in almost every constituency. If Muslims support one major well-selected contestant unitedly and massively in 30 odd Muslim constituencies of higher Muslim concentration and if the candidate belongs to the biggest Muslim subgroup in the constituency, it is possible for the Muslims to attain higher representation in the Assembly, than in 2004. Secondly, Muslims should aim at such seats, in which no other social  group or community has a higher proportion.
11. All secular parties are however anxious to use every election to expand their influence and they insist on contesting seats even with a low concentration of their social group. But except high concentration areas, experience shows that with social affinity alone, no secular party except NCP can win many seats.
12.  On the basis of the election results of 1999 and 2004 the estimated Muslim population in various constituencies, a district wise chart (See table) has been tabulated  to locate winnable Muslim constituencies, division-wise and district wise. But, the weakness lies in that no accurate count of  Muslim voters or proportion of Muslim electorate is available. Only a local Muslim organization is in a position to count & determine the proportion of Muslim voters, This must be done, particularly where it is likely to exceed 20%.

13.  What is needed is to form a Maharashtra Muslim Forum with participation of the  MMM, the JIH,the JUH, the Ahl-e -Sunnat and the Ulema Council to negotiate with the leading political players in the field to persuade them to field  Muslim candidates who command credibility in the eyes of the community and are also  acceptable to the non-Muslim electorate.
14. General Guidelines
(1)  All eligible Muslim should be dully registered as voters, particularly those who have just crossed 18.
(2) All Muslim voters should cast their vote.
(3) The number of Muslim voters in every constituency should be counted, polling station-wise; only the constituency which has more than 20 % Muslim voters may be claimed as a Muslim winnable seat.
(4) Muslim opinion-makers in every constituency should form a small Committee to select the best candidate from the Muslim point of view. This should be conveyed to apex Muslim Forum in the state for negotiation with major parties in the contest.
(5)    The Committee should also prepare the electoral history of the constituency to find out, how much times it has been won by a Muslim candidate and how many times a Muslim candidate has lost by a small margin.
(6)    As finally decided, all Muslim voters should vote for the common candidate.
15.  The Forum should target all Muslim Winnable Seats which should   be identified by the following criteria:-
(1)    Muslim voters constitute at least 20 %of the electrorate.
(2)    Muslim voters are more than those of any other identifiable social group.
(3)    Muslim community is not divided by baradaris & sects.
(4)     Muslim community is on good terms with other social groups, particularly, the Dalits.
(5)    Muslim community has one or more suitable potential candidates, active in public life and acceptable to all Muslims and some other social groups.
(6)    Muslim community has formed a local consultative committee to choose a Muslim candidate and project him. The local committee should advise the apex Muslim Forum to place his name before the major contestants & negotiate their support.
(7)    The agreed candidate is in a position to raise some resources from his friends, sympathisers & well-wishers, apart from the party which nominates him as its candidate.
(8) The candidate is in a position to set up his polling machinery to conduct an effective campaign and establish contact with all the voters.

This article appeared in The Milli Gazette print issue of 1-15 October 2009 on page no. 12

We hope you liked this report/article. The Milli Gazette is a free and independent readers-supported media organisation. To support it, please contribute generously. Click here or email us at

blog comments powered by Disqus