Analysis

Finally it is out: Modi was behind Ishrat’s encounter

Calling IB as Intelligence Bureau of rogues and thugs and Modi playing in their hands may not go down well with the upstarts chanting NaMo for the post of the prime minister because he is worse than Pol Pot.

The chief minister of Gujarat was a pal of Rajendra Kumar of IB whose brief he accepted and ordered the police to let Hindus take revenge on Muslims in 2002 and again got Ishrat Jahan killed in fake encounter in 2004.  Haren Pandya’s murder would now be laid at the door of the chief minister.

Under the ruse of democracy and ‘India First’ rather than avowal of secularism enshrined in the Constitution he ruled the state as the enemy of the Constitution. What is the difference between him sworn to uphold the Constitution of India and Lt Col Prasad Purohit sworn to uphold the same and yet secretly planning to abolish the Constitution? Purohit’s secret alliance with the Israelis and the then Nepali monarch and Modi’s subscription to Apco makes them birds of the same feather.

I have often called Modi as a real time avenger. He was in touch with Rajendra Kumar, now a special director of IB but then a joint director in 2004. During the real time fake encounter on 15 June, 2004 Modi had called and talked 40 times with Kumar. If the job of the IB is just to pass information which they had done a month ago, why was Kumar constantly in touch with the Chief Minister’s office [on the day of the fake encounter]?

What surely threatens to tighten the noose around Modi’s neck is that there are witnesses to prove that he [Kumar] was with officers like DG Vanzara just few days before the encounter. Vanzara was the closest senior police officer to the Home Minister Modi. Remember Kumar as the one who had cajoled RB Sreekumar, then DGP Gujarat in-charge of intelligence, to accept the conspiracy theory that the accidental fire in Sabarmati Express was the work of ISI of Pakistan. IB’s intrusion in the administration of Gujarat was like the tail wagging the dog.

We know physical motor action where a stimulus in the brain leads to an action like the hand lifting or fingers picking up something.

The phone of the main public prosecutor was connected with the home department of the state government of Gujarat. The Home Minister of Gujarat is and was no other than the Chief Minister Narendra Modi. This was the case in the night of 14 June, 2004 when Ishrat Jahan was killed. Her dead body with those of the three others would be dumped at the fake encounter spot several hours later in the wee hours of 15 June. As if this was not enough, the phone of the main public prosecutor Sudhir Brahmbhatt had been in direct line of communication with the home ministry for days together. This single instance of crime against humanity emanated from the home ministry of the state of Gujarat. The Crime Branch and the main public prosecutor were also in league.

During the pendency of the case the branch wanted the case to be closed in unseemly hurry but the prosecution was lingering it with the excuse that the absconders in the case who helped Ishrat Jahan were not traceable. How could they when they were incarcerated in a Jammu and Kashmir jail? The police officers making investigation into the fake encounter were DySPs Narendra Amin, Tarun Barot, J G Parmar and police inspector Bharat Patel. They did not bother to take into custody the absconders who were very much available for prosecution in the jail in J&K. Furthermore, the four were also not arraigned as accused. This is quid pro quo in which the consent of the highest police officers like Commissioner of Police Kaushik and Modi was inevitable. Modi may be too sharp to go on record but then this give-and-take in such a serious matter cannot be done without his consent. If the arrangement was done through Amit Shah, junior minister in the home department, then Modi’s confidence in him speaks of close connectivity of Modi in the crime.

The spy network of Shivaji helped Modi to know instantly what was happening around. He flaunted how he could see from his chair an octroi peon collecting toll. This watch may deter the peon but watching Haren Pandya was the last straw on the  camel’s back. He must have been counselled by Rajendra Kumar to have Pandya liquidated. The widow of Pandya, Jagruty, had not so far openly blamed Modi and used the means of her party BJP and its patriarch Advani to give justice to her. However, her saying  that Kumar had also generated false intelligence report that led to the killing of her husband confirms her father-in-law’s strong belief that it was after all a political murder. There can be no other rival as fatal as Modi. Modi did not spare Ahsan Jafri, so would he spare Pandya? Ishrat Jahan led to this new angle.

Shooting through the testicle of Pandya could have been done by a sharp shooter and that could have been Tulsiram Prajapati. To wipe out Tulsiram, the arrangement was made at the highest level between Amit Shah and Modi.

So at long last it would be Modi on the line to get the rarest of the rare punishment. This syllogism holds on the basis of the twists of events so far. That may not be just an individual affair of the ruler because several officers of IB too are involved and hence the agency will have a new sobriquet of apparatus of rogues and thugs presided over by Modi. Even then there is a catch: directly involved police officers alone will again shield their political bosses. So the need to vet: We have got CDRs (call data records) of cellphones of some of the police officers to show that they were involved in the plot until the last minute, although they may not have been physically present at the site of the fake encounter. Modi was not present at the site but such an operation could not have been undertaken without his knowledge. If he is exempted so will have to be the Commissioner of Police Kaushik who knew in advance that the fake encounter was going to take place. GL Singhal was to shoot Ishrat Jahan using an AK 47 supplied by IB and Modi was to shield him.

This article appeared in The Milli Gazette print issue of 1-15 July 2013 on page no. 11

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