Books

Betrayal of a Martyr

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SM Mushrif’s new book examines as to why the nation failed Hemant Karkare and his martyred colleagues
Book: 26/11 Probe — Why Judiciary Also Failed?
Author: S.M. Mushrif
Publisher: Pharos Media, New Delhi (books@pharosmedia.com)
Year: 2014
Pages: 218 (with DVD containing footages of important incidents)
ISBN: 978-81-7221-062-5
Price: Rs 275/Euro 11

Mohammad Zeyaul Haque


The book under review is a sequel to the well-received Who Killed Karkare?, the only known book on the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai in which the fearless police officer Hemant Karkare and some of his colleagues died along with a sizeable number of other victims.

The book said that most of the murder and mayhem was the handiwork of four groups of Pakistani terrorists, who came in by the sea. However, Karkare and his colleagues were killed by a fifth group of local terrorists trained and handled by “Brahminist” outfits like Abhinav Bharat and their functionaries like Col. Purohit, Swami Aseemanand and others. This group has enjoyed the patronage of the premier intelligence agency, Intelligence Bureau (IB).

Why were they killed by the IB-Hindutva terror combine? The author, SM Mushrif, a former Inspector General of Maharashtra Police, has brought the formidable investigative skills and forensic experience of decades of policing to unravel this cloak-and-dagger operation.

His conclusion: Because Karkare, the chief of Maharashtra ATS, along with his colleagues, had exposed a deadly anti-national plot by Brahminists to overthrow the democratically-elected Indian secular government with the help of Nepal’s monarchy, Israeli military, Indian Naga rebels and IB’s bosses, Karkare and his mates were eliminated by these people.

Recorded confessions of the home-grown terrorists obtained by Karkare clearly exposed the evil network and its sinister designs. The above is the mere skeleton of the well-fleshed out, thoroughly investigated narrative of Mushrif. He brings in other evidences to prove the culpability of the powerful conspirators.

One such proof is that the external intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) had sent advance intelligence to the IB on the Pakistani terrorists moving towards Mumbai by the sea route. The IB, instead of passing this vital information to agencies like the Coast Guard, Indian naval headquarters, Maharashtra Police and Mumbai Police, chose to sit tight on the intelligence input. The result was that when the attacks began everyone was caught by surprise.

Unlike the CBI and RAW, the IB has become an extension of RSS, the main Brahminist organisation, Mushrif says. That also explains why all the Hindutva terrorist attacks were turned into false Muslim terrorism cases at the behest of IB. At one point in time the brother of an IB chief was the head of RSS. Some of IB’s senior officials have been known to be sympathetic to the RSS.

The present book begins where Who Killed Karkare ends. This tries to look into more proof of the earlier book’s basic theory and tries to examine why the system has failed to bring the killers of Karkare and his colleagues to justice. The book comes with a CD, which stands for one of its annexures. It carries footages from TV channels during the Mumbai terror attack which substantiate the new book’s theory on why the killers of Karkare are still outside the net of the law.

Here also the malign influence of IB is seen to be working to keep the truth under wraps because the truth would hurt and damage it.

From the book the IB emerges as a state within state that works outside the purview of law. It looks as sinister as the FBI under Edgar Hoover, who sought to blackmail President Kennedy with the intimate pictures that FBI had taken of him with women.

It seems unbelievable why the rulers of the country preferred not to act against their own officials when Karkare’s investigation showed them hand in glove with conspirators preparing to topple the government in a violent coup with the help of foreigners.

The book presents a sorry picture in which vital organs of the state have been compromised and undermined by the IB in its pursuit of untrammelled powers in alliance with Brahminical racial supremacists.

In the first book itself Mushrif explains that the terms “Brahminist” and “Brahminical” are not felicitous or comprehensive. They are in use to cautiously describe the racial supremacist ideas and acts of people, most of whom may not be Brahmins per se. Nor are a majority of Brahmins, Brahminists. In fact, many Brahmins oppose the pernicious idea. Even the author’s son-in-law is a Brahmin.

Brahminism and Brahminical are words that are part of mainstream discourse on outfits like RSS and Abhinav Bharat. Even then people take care to explain that Ku Klux Klan (KKK) came from America’s White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) community, but it did not represent the WASP. Brahminism, too, has to be distinguished from Brahmins as a community.

Coming back to why the Indian state failed Karkare, Mushrif, who has dedicated this book to the martyred police officer, holds the pervasive influence of IB responsible for it. IB browbeats high police officials in the states to toe its line. Officers oblige because their career sometimes depends on IB’s reports.

With their regular plants in the media, they can change the focus of discourse on certain vital issues. With their influence on local police, they can change the track of investigations and clearly visible Hindutva terror handiwork can be turned into HuJI-IM-Jaish humbug. This is what happened in the Karkare case when concerned citizens went to court.
Honourable judges went into issues that were not relevant, leaving aside concrete leads. Mushrif does not impute motives to judges but remarks that even judges’ promotions can be sabotaged by adverse confidential reports of the IB. Such reports are required before every promotion to higher judiciary. It is only natural that everyone tries to play safe.

IB is a vestige of colonial oppression, formed by the British at the height of their power. It has no basis in Indian law, and it is not particularly responsible to anybody. It is antithetical to democratic principles and free from executive, judicial or parliamentary oversight. It is against the Constitutional order of things in its very nature.

In this dismal situation, when IB’s dubious role in the Mumbai attack and a number of bomb blast cases has been clearly seen, and it has not been brought to account, Mushrif thinks the judiciary is “the only hope” to rein in this rogue elephant and prevent it from trampling on the Constitution and Indian democracy. As the custodian of the Constitution it is expected from the judiciary.

“Leaving aside personal ambitions and prejudices, if those in higher judiciary do deep introspection and exert themselves within the framework of the Constitution, the situation could improve in no time. Otherwise, there is no future for Indian democracy,” Mushrif writes in anguish.

The manipulation of the LeT attack to kill off Karkare and colleagues in the CST-Cama-Rangbhavan operation was so blatant that American security agencies working with the IB and Mumbai Police got to know that this part of the attack “was the handiwork of native groups assisted by certain elements in the IB and Mumbai Police.” The Obama administration knew it, but the Indian Union government did not.  And that’s why “heroes” of the CST-Cama-Rangbhavan section of the Mumbai terror episode were not invited to meet President Obama when he visited Mumbai in November 2010. And that is what one concludes from the Union and state governments’ subsequent acts. This is certainly not a good omen for Indian democracy, as Mushrif would say.

This article appeared in The Milli Gazette print issue of 1-15 February 2014 on page no. 21

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